Creedon makes payments

FORMER SOMERVILLE ALDERMAN TELLS COURT OF EXTORTION; SCHEME FOR VOTES [THIRD Edition] Boston Globe (pre-1997 Fulltext) - Boston, Mass. Author: M.E. Malone, Globe Staff Date: Aug 13, 1986 Start Page: 53 Section: METRO Text Word Count: 514 Document Text Three current and two former aldermen in Somerville were given money in exchange for a favorable vote in connection with the Assembly Square Mall project, a former alderman testified yesterday in US District Court. According to Timothy J. Creedon, who was sentenced to a year in prison for his role in a scheme to extort money from a developer seeking liquor licenses, aldermen Vincent Ciampa, Joseph Macaluso and Michael McKenna accepted money from him in exchange for their votes approving a home rule petition in February 1983. Former aldermen Frank Bakey and Alan Kenney were also paid for their votes, Creedon testified. Creedon was the third prosecution witness to testify at the trial of McKenna and his father-in-law, former city assessor Robert Campo, who are charged with trying to extort money from East Bay Development Corp., the builder of the Assembly Square Mall in Somerville. Creedon testified that he told John J. Callahan, an undercover FBI agent posing as developer Jack Collins, that he would need $13,500 to secure enough votes to guarantee approval of a home rule petition authorizing two new liquor licenses for the mall -- $1,500 for each of eight aldermen and $1,500 forhimself. The petition was approved by a vote of 11-0. Instead, Creedon said he pocketed most of the payoff, giving only $500 to each of five other aldermen, including McKenna. When McKenna learned that Creedon had collected $1,500 per man from East Bay, he became irate, Creedon said. During a meeting at McKenna's house, Creedon testified that he told the young alderman, "I told him, 'My neck is out there.'. . . I told him the deal was $500 and that's it. . ." At a meeting several weeks later in Creedon's car outside a local junior high school, McKenna accepted an envelope with $500 in cash, Creedon testified. Alderman Joseph Macaluso said he was approached by Creedon several weeks before the board was to vote on the proposed home rule petition. "He said to me, 'Can I still count on you for support of the licenses at Assembly Square? . . . There's going to be money in it for you,' " Macaluso testified yesterday. Macaluso said he agreed to vote for the licenses because they were in Creedon's ward, but said he would not accept money for his vote. He testified that shortly after the vote, he refused an envelope from Creedon. Several months later, he said, he asked Creedon to sell some tickets for a campaign fundraiser. According to Macaluso, Creedon gave him $350, saying that $200 had come from Jack Collins and $150 had come from Creedon. Macaluso reported the contributions on his campaign disclosure forms filed at City Hall. During cross-examination, McKenna's attorney, Vincent Brognalia, painted Creedon as a liar. In addition to demanding more money than he planned to distribute from Callahan, Creedon admitted that he lied to Callahan at a meeting in February 1983, when he told the agent that he had already given McKenna a downpayment for his vote. McKenna wasn't given the money until several days later, Creedon testified. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission. Abstract (Document Summary) According to Timothy J. Creedon, who was sentenced to a year in prison for his role in a scheme to extort money from a developer seeking liquor licenses, aldermen Vincent Ciampa, [Alderman Joseph Macaluso] and Michael McKenna accepted money from him in exchange for their votes approving a home rule petition in February 1983. Former aldermen Frank Bakey and Alan Kenney were also paid for their votes, Creedon testified. Instead, Creedon said he pocketed most of the payoff, giving only $500 to each of five other aldermen, including McKenna. When McKenna learned that Creedon had collected $1,500 per man from East Bay, he became irate, Creedon said. Several months later, he said, he asked Creedon to sell some tickets for a campaign fundraiser. According to Macaluso, Creedon gave him $350, saying that $200 had come from [Jack Collins] and $150 had come from Creedon. Macaluso reported the contributions on his campaign disclosure forms filed at City Hall.

CORRUPTION CHARGES AGAIN BLOT SOMERVILLE IMAGE

CORRUPTION CHARGES AGAIN BLOT SOMERVILLE IMAGE Boston Globe (pre-1997 Fulltext) - Boston, Mass. Author: Paul Hirshson Globe Staff Date: Jun 21, 1984 Start Page: 1 Text Word Count: 611 Document Text Only 11 years ago, Somerville was honored as an All-American City. It was climbing out from under a cloud of corruption which had seen three of its former mayors and other city officials indicted and was moving forward under a reform-minded mayor. Before the end of the decade, the city would take the bold step of converting an old, disused auto plant and warehouse into one of the region's most successful malls, Assembly Square. It seemed to many that Somerville - an older, industrial city of 78,000 bordering Boston, suffering from the old-city ills of overcrowding, corruption and poor schools - was at last pulling itself up, shining up its image. But today, two men long associated with Somerville politics stand charged with soliciting bribes in connection with obtaining a liquor license for a restaurant at the new mall. Eugene C. Brune, who is serving his third term as mayor, expressed the frustration of many yesterday. "This whole investigation has been a disappointment to me. We've been trying since the day I took office to change the image of the city." He cited such projects as increased street cleaning, a tree- planting program, major urban renewal projects in Davis and Union squares and a new wing on the high school. "We had a plan to change the city around, change the image. We were doing a great job until one day last November, an FBI agent walked into my office" to tell him about the investigation. "It took me three years to change the image of this city, and it took three seconds on television to change it back the way it was," Brune said. It was in 1971 that a Globe Spotlight Team series indicated that a number of officials were involved in questionable bidding practices, assessing property inequitably and engaging in conflict of interest. After publication of the series, 19 persons were indicted, including the three former mayors, other city officials and private contractors. Although none of those indicted was convicted, the headlines generated by the chargesput a seemingly indelible stain on the city's image. S. Lester Ralph, who served as mayor from 1970-77, was generally viewed as a reformer from outside the established old order, trying to help the city recover and restore trust to its public officials. In an interview yesterday, he said that the effort was frustrating and left him "drained and burned out." "It was continual warfare," he said, between his administration and the old guard. "There were a lot of families and cliques, such as the McKenna clan, the Piro clan and the Howe clan." "They've got their tentacles in all levels of government. They can affect you, no matter what you try to do. It was very difficult trying to govern." Describing the level of confrontation that prevailed, he said: "They were vicious to me." (The McKennas include Denis, who is a state senator, and Michael, who is an alderman. Marie Howe is a state representative, as is Vincent Piro, Democratic majority whip. Piro and Timothy Creedon, a former alderman, are under federal indictment on charges of conspiracy and attempted extortion.) Both Brune and Ralph seemed saddened and disheartened by the apparent re- spotting of the city's image. But Brune said he was relieved, to some extent, that at last all the gossip and rumor have at least taken some official form. "I'm relieved because since November, it's been almost a daily routine, What's happening in Somerville?' "Now that it's coming to a head, the people will know who's indicted and the trials will take place," said Brune. "Then we can go back to the job of putting our image back together again." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission. Abstract (Document Summary) After publication of the series, 19 persons were indicted, including the three former mayors, other city officials and private contractors. Although none of those indicted was convicted, the headlines generated by the chargesput a seemingly indelible stain on the city's image. (The McKennas include Denis, who is a state senator, and Michael, who is an alderman. Marie Howe is a state representative, as is Vincent Piro, Democratic majority whip. Piro and Timothy Creedon, a former alderman, are under federal indictment on charges of conspiracy and attempted extortion.) Both [Eugene C. Brune] and [S. Lester Ralph] seemed saddened and disheartened by the apparent re- spotting of the city's image. But Brune said he was relieved, to some extent, that at last all the gossip and rumor have at least taken some official form. "I'm relieved because since November, it's been almost a daily routine, What's happening in Somerville?'

Old Guard no more

IN SOMERVILLE, THE OLD GUARD RULES NO MORE [THIRD Edition] Boston Globe (pre-1997 Fulltext) - Boston, Mass. Author: Chris Chinlund, Globe Staff Date: Mar 24, 1985 Start Page: 1 Section: METRO Text Word Count: 1443 Document Text Larry Bretta is in jail. Denis McKenna retired. Vinnie Piro, although cleared of attempted extortion last Wednesday, is out of office. All are part of a Somerville old guard that rules no longer. After years of dominance, the city's traditional political establishment is on the wane. Some say the balance tipped in favor of a more progressive new guard last year. Some say the year before. Others say the transition is just now taking hold. "Mayor Brune and the new guard have taken over, and they have begun to entrench themselves," says Billy Joyce, a former alderman and part of the city's old establishment. "There are very few old guard on the ward and city committees. The old guard is slowly fading into the dust." Joyce is secure in his job as city messenger; his appointment runs until he is 70. Sen. Denis McKenna, as much a representative of Somerville's old guard as any, retired this year from 30 years in politics. "I was the type of politican able to do many favors for people, but things changed in the last eight or 10 years and you can't do things like you used to," he says. It's hard now to secure summer jobs for young people, he says, hard to arrange public housing for elderly people. "You can't do the bread and butter favors like you used to." In Somerville - a densely populated working-class city known for its 10hills and almost as many political factions - the terms old guard and new guard are common lingo. They refer more to political persuasion than tenure. Old guarders are seen as conservative Democrats, many from the politicalfamilies that have dominated for decades. The new guard is more progressive, reformist, less likely to have relatives in office and friendly with the Dukakis administration. Like most labels, these are not perfect, and in recent years the lines have blurred to some extent. But people here know what old guard and new guard mean. "I like to think of it as the more traditional Somerville politicians versus the progressives," says Alderman Cathleen O'Dea, who says she relates to both sides. "It's certainly become increasingly more difficult for traditional Somerville politicians to get elected." The change began in 1980 when Eugene Brune arrived in the mayor's office after beating incumbent Thomas August. That election showed Somerville politics - never genteel - at their most rambunctious. When the Somerville Journal called for August's defeat, for example, the edition mysteriously disappeared from the newsstands in the early morning hours. But it took a few years for Brune to establish his style of government, and to muster support on the Board of Aldermen. It was not until last year that the city's State House delegation was reconstituted. Rep. Marie E. Howe, a veteran conservative Democrat, remains but McKenna, also a conservative Democrat, retired and state Rep. Vincent J. Piro was defeated in his Senate bid. Their replacements were epitomes of the new political camp, Aldermen Salvatore R. Albano and Joseph Mackey, both of a progressive bent. "It's tough to fight the Vinnie Piros, the Marie Howes and the Larry Brettas (former mayor and political force)," says Albano. "They have the resources and the ability to raise money, but this year was the climax of what we have been working for for many years." Adds Mayor Brune, "I'm going into my fourth term, and there is no opposition from the old guard." The change in climate is expected to make it harder, although not impossible, for Piro to win office again in his city. Talk on the street is that he may run for alderman in Ward 4. But even some of his supporters are doubtful of his election chances. Asked if Piro could win election again in the city, Alderman Michael McKenna replies slowly, "I don't think so." His father, Denis McKenna, responds to the same question with a noncommittal "I don't know." Others say Piro still can pull the votes. S. Lester Ralph - the city's first reform mayor who, unlike Brune, was battling the old guard at every turn in the 1970s - remembers the lessons of the past. Never, he says, underestimate the opposition. "There's no question the old situation could return," he warns. "It's almost like the law of gravity." People of all persuasions seem to agree that the seeds of change began with community organization in the late 1960s, and that the Ralph administration laid much of the groundwork. Ralph endured hostile times. He remembers being spit at by an official from the opposing camp as he walked out of City Hall. He remembers how difficult it was even to get postage stamps from the auditor, another political foe. People who know Somerville best give many reasons for the decline of the old guard. A few ran afoul of the law. Bretta, the former mayor and General Services Administration official, is now serving four years for extortion. Alderman Timothy Creedon, a friend of Piro, was sentenced to a year and a day in jail for conspiring to extort money from a developer. Piro's political career also suffered because of his two trials on charges of conspiracy and attempted extortion. Albano used the "corruption factor" to engineer his defeat of Piro in the Senate race. One of Albano's leaflets quoted from FBI tapes of Piro allegedly arranging a payoff, planning to "grease a few guys." Other people associated with Somerville's old guard moved to the suburbs, as the city's population dropped 12.8 percent in the 1970s. Says a former activist who later headed the Metropolitan Area Planning Council: "There's been a fairly substantial population loss in Somerville . . . and a lot of the people who moved out were the old guard." They were people, she said, who had always wanted to trade Somerville's crowded triple-deckers for a suburban lawn and two-car garage. When they had the chance, they left. Many people who have moved into Somerville, on the other hand, have had new expectations of their government. They are often professionals who can afford the $150,000 homes around Davis Square, and they are often more liberal. Demographic surveys show 50 percent have at least a college education, compared to 16 percent citywide. But according to Brune, the newcomers don't have the numbers to be responsible for the ousting from office of the old establishment. James Bretta, a former priest who now runs an elderly services program and who has been active in city affairs for many years, says, "I don't think at this point the yuppie thing is consequential. The backbone of Somerville politics are the people who have been here for a while: the second- and third- generation Irish and Italians." The difference, they maintain, is simply that the Somerville electorate, old and new, now demands more of its officials. Perhaps the most important reason for Brune's success - he's widely considered a popular mayor - is the willingness of once- contentious aldermen to adopt his initiatives. Michael McKenna is one of them. "I have been able to change in the way the city has, although a lot of times in the past I have seen the new guard as a threat," says the alderman. "The population of the city has changed, and a lot of the old-guard politicians didn't grow with the population." And the effect of two federal probes - one in the 1970s and the second under way - has been to expose to residents some undesirable aspects of their elected officials. Those probes, say some, have helped convince voters that a change was needed. The current federal probe continues to cause nervousness in some city circles, especially among a few aldermen who privately fear they might be named in later indictments. The nature of possible indictments is unknown. Concern was lessened, but not erased, by Piro's acquittal. Sources say at least five current or former Somerville city officials may be named. Meanwhile, Brune - with the help of Albano and Mackey - is carrying out the recommendations of a third investigation, one done last year by the state Revenue Department. Auditors found the city's elected assessors had engaged in illegal assessing practices, giving breaks to a few at the expense of many. The issue reflects the city's new order. Three years ago, when Brune asked the Legislature for the power to remove the assessors, the effort was killed in the Senate by McKenna. This year, with Albano in McKenna's old seat, the measure is expected to sail through. The current assessors are expected to be ousted from office by mid-year. "The new guard," says one activist, "is now the establishment." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission. Abstract (Document Summary) It took a few years for [Eugene Brune] to establish his style of government, and to muster support on the Board of Aldermen. It was not until last year that the city's State House delegation was reconstituted. Rep. Marie E. Howe, a veteran conservative Democrat, remains but McKenna, also a conservative Democrat, retired and state Rep. Vincent J. Piro was defeated in his Senate bid. Their replacements were epitomes of the new political camp, Aldermen Salvatore R. Albano and Joseph Mackey, both of a progressive bent. A few ran afoul of the law. Bretta, the former mayor and General Services Administration official, is now serving four years for extortion. Alderman Timothy Creedon, a friend of Piro, was sentenced to a year and a day in jail for conspiring to extort money from a developer. [Vinnie Piros] political career also suffered because of his two trials on charges of conspiracy and attempted extortion. Albano used the "corruption factor" to engineer his defeat of Piro in the Senate race. One of Albano's leaflets quoted from FBI tapes of Piro allegedly arranging a payoff, planning to "grease a few guys." according to Brune, the newcomers don't have the numbers to be responsible for the ousting from office of the old establishment. James Bretta, a former priest who now runs an elderly services program and who has been active in city affairs for many years, says, "I don't think at this point the yuppie thing is consequential. The backbone of Somerville politics are the people who have been here for a while: the second- and third- generation Irish and Italians."

Bretta and Callahan part 1

Following are excerpts from transcripts of FBI tape recordings filed in court yesterday in the Bretta case: The first $6000 payoff to Bretta was made by undercover FBI agent John J. Callahan in March of 1982. Callahan: I got the bucks here. Bretta: Make sure you don't mention that we've seen each other. Callahan: Oh no, no, no. This is between you and I. Callahan: It's for services renderded and I appreciate it. I don't know whether you want to count it or not, Larry. But when this time comes around next year, you give me a holler. The second payment was made in May 1983, and at a restaurant meeting Callahan and Bretta discussed how the money should be delivered. Callahan: Your package is in the trunk (of Callahan's Lincoln). If you just want to drive by, I can put it right in your hands. I don't want to bring it in here. Bretta: No, no, no, no. Callahan: I don't want to do it in a restaurant, Larry. Bretta: I tend to agree with you. Callahan: I'll drive up the alley there. Just drive by me and I'll pop the trunk and hand you your package. Bretta: OK. In another conversation, April 29, 1982, Bretta, according to the transcripts, discussed a $10,000 payment the prosecution claims he wanted forhelping locate a Jordan Marsh store at the Assembly Square mall. Callahan: When Jordan Marsh came in here. . . . Bretta: Yup. Callahan: You used your influences, whatever. Bretta: Whatever. Callahan: Whatever you call it. OK, and for that amount of dollars through your connections with Jordan Marsh, who's a fellow who is a vice president there . . . Bretta: Well, Dick Duca, I guess was the guy that finally . . . Callahan: OK, whatever... Anyway, X amount of dollars was owed to you. Bretta: Yeah. Callahan: All I know is that is $10,000 somewhere coming to you. Bretta: Correct. Callahan: Maybe the figure is wrong and maybe it's right. Bretta: No, that is correct, Actually it is owed to Dick, but that's OKbecause we get (unintelligible). In the FBI reports filed with the court there were several references, none of them incriminating, to House Speaker Thomas P. O'Neill Jr., who helped Bretta land his GSA job. Raymond Coots, the late president of East Bay Development Corp., which built Assembly Square Mall in Somerville, is quoted by a report as saying Bretta told him, "Somerville is O'Neill's territory, and Bretta thought he could possilbly help (in obtaining a federal UDAG grant for the area surrouding the mall.) Coots stated that he does not know if O'Neill helped or not." Coots said, according to the report, he had seen Bretta and O'Neill together at social events such as the annual Tip O'Neill Clambake held by the Somerville Chamber of Commerce. On a Sept. 24, 1982, tape Callahan asked Bretta about the possibility of meeting O'Neill. Callahan: Will I have an opportunity to talk with, ah . . . . Bretta: Of course. Callahan: Tip. Bretta: Sure, sure. There is only going to be about 20 guys. Callahan: Will I be able to bring up that UDAG thing (unintelligible) and that Somerville thing, and ask him about that? Bretta: Sure, positive, yah, yah, no problem, with that. OK. Callahan: Good, good. Bretta: It might be well if you and I just took a plane trip down. Callahan: Yah. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission. Abstract (Document Summary) The first $6000 payoff to [BRETTA] was made by undercover FBI agent John J. Callahan in March of 1982. Raymond Coots, the late president of East Bay Development Corp., which built Assembly Square Mall in Somerville, is quoted by a report as saying Bretta told him, "Somerville is [O'Neill Jr.]'s territory, and Bretta thought he could possilbly help (in obtaining a federal UDAG grant for the area surrouding the mall.) Coots stated that he does not know if O'Neill helped or not." On a Sept. 24, 1982, tape Callahan asked Bretta about the possibility of meeting O'Neill. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission.

Dear Jean Mayer

DAVID WARSH Dear Jean Mayer: It's tough sledding on your veterinary school in Worcester, I know. But it is something else that is on my mind. I think you should consider changing Tufts University's address to Somerville. As you know, half the campus is in Somerville, half in Medford; the town line runs right through your house. The time was when Medford was a better address. Times change. Now let me quickly state that I've lived in Somerville for a dozen years. My knowledge is the local knowledge of an outsider, not deep, concentrated mostly around Davis Square: Sessa's Grocery, St. Clement's Parish, Rev. Ken Turner's remarkable evangelical, multicultural Church of the Nazarene. I know my neighbors. I know where to vote. What I don't know about Ward 1 would fill books. What I do know is something about is economic development. Something happened in the middle of the 1970s. Somerville began to be considered in the same breath as Cambridge as a place to put a restaurant, a studio, an apartment. This was the era in which Steve's Ice Cream and Bertucci's were founded in Somerville, side by side. About the same time, the long decline that had afflicted the once-proud city in the years after World War II slowed, then stopped. Mayor Lester Ralph's career as a reformer petered out; Tom August took over for a couple years and rent control was repealed, a crucial moment. The Davis Square Task Force insisted on a stop on the the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority's Red Line extension. And then in 1979 Somerville elected Gene Brune. Brune was a hell of a leader, the only five-term mayor the city ever had. He rebuilt the high school and police station, re-did all the city parks, eliminated the crooked Board of Assessment, went out of his way to attract artists to the city's lofts. The decision to ban biotech was a bad one; the Woodbridge Hotel burned down; he didn't do either one. More to the point, he restored a certain confidence to the city, and the reform spirit born of the Massachusetts Miracle did the rest. Characters like police captain Gerald Clemente and former Mayor Larry Bretta went to jail; state Sen. Dennis McKenna and Rep. Marie Howe went down to defeat. (CORRECTION: Because of a reporting error, the status of former state Sen. Denis McKenna of Somerville was incorrectly described in David Warsh's column in yesterday's Business Extra. He did not run for re-election.) On the day Vinnie Piro was defeated by Sal Albano -- with the margin coming from Somerville -- a neighbors exclaimed, "I feel as though I live in Wellesley!" This was the period during which Herald columnist Howie Carr moved into town, then out again, after his house was rhetorically burgled -- a poignant reminder that Somerville still can play by some very tough rules. You can't get Howie to say a good word about Somerville even now. Indeed, for many people, time somehow froze in 1971: Somerville is the Winter Hill Mob and The Boston Globe Spotlight Team poring over sweetheart contracts. The Sunsetters glee club would go about town on summer evenings singing "Who do you think you ah, Howie Cah?" It was touching, but not much of a defense. The beauty of this evolution is that it was decidely not gentrification. Somerville simply reclaimed its own destiny. Brune worked well with outsiders. After five terms he departed for the more secure position of Middlesex Register of Deeds. Then Michael Capuano beat John Buonomo by a hair. Capuano is a bright guy, like Brune only more so: younger, something more of an edge, the perfect postmodern Somervillian. A Dartmouth graduate who went to Boston College Law School, Capuano made a living as a lobbyist and sends his kids to a private school. But his roots go deep in Somerville. So the real test of the Somerville reform tradition comes next week when he faces reelection. His opponent is a 28-year-old lawyer named Mary Curtatone, with little experience beyond her family business. There is a lot of anger around -- not the least of it from Gene Brune, who has never forgiven Capuano for his curt personal style. But Capuano is good on finance, on women, on the environment. Most important, he's good on meaning fairness -- not a trivial consideration now that Somerville's minority population -- Haitians, Brazilians, Central Americans -- is approaching 15,000 people, or something like 20 percent. To sum up, Somerville could have been Chelsea; instead it's a discount Cambridge, with all the Byzantine politics that this implies. Medford is a lovely city, but it's been a long time since that over-the-river-and-through-the-woods stuff. I know the post office is in Medford. But now Somerville is a better address. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission. Abstract (Document Summary) More to the point, he restored a certain confidence to the city, and the reform spirit born of the Massachusetts Miracle did the rest. Characters like police captain Gerald Clemente and former Mayor Larry Bretta went to jail; state Sen. Dennis McKenna and Rep. Marie Howe went down to defeat. (CORRECTION: Because of a reporting error, the status of former state Sen. Denis McKenna of Somerville was incorrectly described in [DAVID WARSH]'s column in yesterday's Business Extra. He did not run for re-election.) On the day Vinnie Piro was defeated by Sal Albano -- with the margin coming from Somerville -- a neighbors exclaimed, "I feel as though I live in Wellesley!" This was the period during which Herald columnist Howie Carr moved into town, then out again, after his house was rhetorically burgled -- a poignant reminder that Somerville still can play by some very tough rules. You can't get Howie to say a good word about Somerville even now. Indeed, for many people, time somehow froze in 1971: Somerville is the Winter Hill Mob and The Boston Globe Spotlight Team poring over sweetheart contracts. The Sunsetters glee club would go about town on summer evenings singing "Who do you think you ah, Howie Cah?" It was touching, but not much of a defense. To sum up, Somerville could have been Chelsea; instead it's a discount Cambridge, with all the Byzantine politics that this implies. Medford is a lovely city, but it's been a long time since that over-the-river-and-through-the-woods stuff. I know the post office is in Medford. But now Somerville is a better address.

Somerville Boy

Somerville Boy SOMERVILLE - This is about a Somerville Boy. His name is John Buonomo and he is running for mayor. He may be the first candidate to run openly on the dummy platform. Of course, John Buonomo wouldn't characterize his campaign that way. But what else are we to think? Pick up his campaign flyer. In big bold type at the top, it states: "This is about a Somerville boy. In the first grade, he couldn't keep his mouth shut or sit still, so he was kept back -- twice." Beneath the fold is a pitiful picture of a solemn-faced little boy that is straight out of Dickens. As one Somerville voter said: "Maybe he's going for the sympathy vote." Another, referring to the fact that Buonomo was on the three-year plan in the first grade, asked: "Is he bragging or complaining?" Well, I wanted to know, too. So I asked the Somerville Boy about his ad and repeating the first grade -- first grade -- three times. In Somerville. "Many people in this city had similar experiences, and I wanted to show how I could relate to them," Buonomo said. I can just hear the households in Somerville buzzing now. "Honey, let's vote for the dummy. He's stupid, like us." Of course, John Buonomo is really not stupid. Not at all. He was valedictorian of his class at Southeastern Massachusetts University in Dartmouth. (His opponent went to Dartmouth, too. Dartmouth College). "I went from being kept back twice to being chairman of the School Committee in 1982," Buonomo said. So, the basic message is, there's hope for us all? That's as good a platform as a kinder-and-gentler nation, and certainly more original. "I believe it's important to show how I have been able to overcome difficulties in my life," he said. "The other thing I think is missing from politics today is candor and honesty," said Buonomo, who is chief administrator for Middlesex County. "Even though I repeated the first grade three times, I have the skills. I'm a manager. I set tax rates. I hire people, I fire people." In between, he works on his phonetics and fingerpaints. Seriously, though, how has the Somerville Boy ad gone over in Somerville, which has produced the likes of Vinny (Walking Around Money) Piro, Dennis (Get Me a Drink) McKenna and his son, Michael, Robert Campo and Larry Bretta, to name just a few of the town's more notorious politicians? "It absolutely has been successful," Buonomo said, adding that a woman recently came up to him and said she, too, had been carrying around "a dark secret" she was ashamed of. And what was that? She had flunked the fourth grade. "She felt a personal sense of relief that she was finally able to talk about it," Buonomo said. And perhaps that someone was as dumb as she was. Of course, John Buonomo really isn't dumb. It's just that his Somerville Boy ad is. Delve deeper into the flyer and you will find "The story of Buonomo Cheese" in which Buonomo describes how, as director of Somerville's Office of Human Services, he oversaw the distribution of the federal surplus cheese. "And soon," the flyer states, "it wasn't known as federal surplus food, it was 'Buonomo Cheese."' Geez, I've heard of wanting a school or park or bridge named after you, but some slabs of old cheese? The leading candidates, John Buonomo and Michael Capuano, like to think of themselves as the "reform" guys. But as one observer of Somerville politics has noted, "reform" is synonymous with "unindicted." If they allowed absentee votes from the Federal Correctional Institution at Danbury, Conn. -- known in Somerville simply as "Danbury" -- the Somerville citizens who are now guests of the federal government could swing any election. I asked Capuano if he had any deep, dark secrets about his academic record. Well, he acknowledged, he was on academic probation for a while at Dartmouth. But then he straightened up, did right and went on to Boston College Law School. "My academic problems may have been the reverse of John's," Capuano said. "I didn't have enough academic challenges." Oh yes, this campaign is getting nasty, all right. Capuano pointed out that both he and Buonomo are 38 years old, but Buonomo graduated three years behind him at Somerville High. Capuano was delighted to see the Somerville Boy ad, but he decided not to seize it as an issue because "I don't want to look like I'm picking on the dumb kid." "The question is, did you flunk the first grade and then become a renowned surgeon or something like that?" asked Capuano. "The answer is, he grew up and became a politician." But Capuano grew up and became a lawyer and lobbyist. Now, if we can just scrape up a used car salesman . . . [Table] ENGLIS;09/22 NIGRO ;09/26,12:49 ENGLIS25 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without permission. Abstract (Document Summary) Seriously, though, how has the Somerville Boy ad gone over in Somerville, which has produced the likes of Vinny (Walking Around Money) Piro, Dennis (Get Me a Drink) McKenna and his son, Michael, Robert Campo and Larry Bretta, to name just a few of the town's more notorious politicians? Of course, [John Buonomo] really isn't dumb. It's just that his Somerville Boy ad is. Delve deeper into the flyer and you will find "The story of Buonomo Cheese" in which Buonomo describes how, as director of Somerville's Office of Human Services, he oversaw the distribution of the federal surplus cheese. "And soon," the flyer states, "it wasn't known as federal surplus food, it was 'Buonomo Cheese."' The leading candidates, John Buonomo and Michael Capuano, like to think of themselves as the "reform" guys. But as one observer of Somerville politics has noted, "reform" is synonymous with "unindicted." If they allowed absentee votes from the Federal Correctional Institution at Danbury, Conn. -- known in Somerville simply as "Danbury" -- the Somerville citizens who are now guests of the federal government could swing any election.

Assembly Square, the Back Story: Part 6, Two new players Assembly Square, the Back Story Part 6: Two New Players An editorial by William C. Shelton In the fall of 1999, Assembly Square Limited Partners (ASLP) faced two serious problems. They had bought the mall property with $300,000 in cash and a one-year, $18.5 million loan that was due in October. But they could not legally obtain as-of-right permits to build big box stores. Newly-elected, Mayor Dorothy Kelly Gay had told the Globe, “We can’t allow National Development to come in here and tell us what we’ll have at Assembly Square.” National was the ASLP partner managing the permit process. Mayor Gay’s development director, Steve Post, said, “It’s clear that big box retail stores on the scale of potential development ranks near the bottom because it creates few jobs and doesn’t bring much tax revenue. Large retail stores will have a negative impact in East Somerville by generating lots of traffic and pollution.” Mayor Gay called for an August 25 public meeting, at which ASLP presented a plan that closely resembled the big box strip mall ultimately built last year. Those attending the presentation, including Alderman Joe Curtatone, unanimously rejected the plan. The next week, IKEA announced that it had bought the 16.6 acres next to the mall site. Mayor Gay immediately met with both developers and persuaded them to accept a year-long development moratorium while the city prepared a master plan. A master plan is essential to an effective land transformation and would have avoided much of the subsequent acrimony. Sadly, it never happened. Meanwhile, ASLP solved its debt problem. Without telling the city, ASLP essentially sold the majority of the mall site property to Home Depot. To give Home Depot tax advantages, ASLP signed a 99-year ground lease with a $1 purchase option at its conclusion. Home Depot bought the $18.5 million note and executed a mortgage with ASLP. These contracts, contained some unusual provisions. Home Depot committed to pay half the property’s carrying costs and any litigation costs. ASLP’s partners had to obtain permission from Home Depot before purchasing property anywhere in the world. And Home Depot was the actual developer, while ASLP was the public face. Taurus New England, ASLP’s majority partner, never seriously considered building anything other than a big-box-dominated project. This was not just because of Home Depot’s contractual constraints. Taurus had had enjoyed great success by buying failed projects, repackaging them, and selling them for a quick and substantial profit. The last thing they wanted was to execute an office-based master plan. Also, principal Lorenz Reibling was and remains deeply pessemistic about the Boston-area economy’s future demand for office space. So Taurus faced the challenge of obtaining permits to build a project to which most Somervillians then objected. They determined to meet that challenge by replacing erstwhile partner National Development with a politically connected developer. Environmental activist and unsuccessful congressional candidate John O’Connor was married to Carolyn Mugar, who with her brother David, was heir to many Star Market properties. The Mugars were major contributors to the Massachusetts Democratic Party, and Carolyn sat on the Conservation Law Foundation Board of Directors. Mr. O’Connor had persuaded his wife to create a development company that, starting with the supermarket properties, would showcase “green” development. They called it “Gravestar.” One of its first projects was the Porter Square strip mall, which drew mixed reviews from neighbors. O’Connor had become close with a political operative named Natasha Perez, whom he installed in a cottage on his and Ms. Mugar’s residential property. During the Spring, 1999 special election to replace Mayor Michael Capuano, Ms. Perez had also become quite close with candidate Joe Curtatone, when she served as his campaign field officer. She subsequently went to work for Gravestar, and at the same time, as Deputy Executive Director of the Massachusetts Democratic Party. Taurus calculated that Gravestar had the political juice that they needed. They brought Gravestar into ASLP, gave them a small equity position, and charged them with managing public relations and delivering the permits. Gravestar, in turn, charged Natasha Perez with leading this effort. This was the biggest opportunity that Gravestar had thus far encountered. Unfortunately, John O’Connor, beloved in the environmental community, had the bad judgment to die at the age of 44, before he could fully appreciate the environmental disaster that ASLP’s plans would create. Joe Curtatone was deeply impressed with Lorenz Reibling when Natasha Perez introduced them. This is understandable; Mr. Reibling is brilliant, charming, highly successful, and has an avuncular manner. Curtatone sought a personal relationship, taking Reibling’s family to see the tall ships when he was out of the country, and attempting to persuade Reibling to purchase the Prospect Hill house across the street from Joe’s sister’s home. They dined together regularly at Henrietta’s Kitchen in Harvard Square, discussing a variety of topics, including Joe’s political ambitions.

Assembly Square, the Back Story Part 2: False hope and true corruption Assembly Square, the Back Story Part 2: False hope and true corruption A Commentary by William C. Shelton (Editor's note -- The views and opinions expressed in the commentaries of the Somerville News belong solely to the authors and do not neccessarily reflect the views and opinions of the Somerville News, its editors or publishers.) By 1976, Assembly Square was becoming a ghost town. First National Stores (FINAST), the B & M Railroad, and Ford Motor Company, who had each paid the city over $1 million in annual taxes, were gone. Two machine tool companies and a trucking concern were the only large employers remaining. In 1978, city officials began preparing an Assembly Square redevelopment plan that, in many ways, resembles the exercise that they recently went through. Then, as now, city officials declined to develop a master plan, but embraced a developer’s initiative and presented it as the city’s redevelopment plan. Then, as now, the developer had site control of the old Ford plant. Then, as now, the plan called for the city to take properties from existing owners and give them to the developer. Then, as now, Somervillians were told that turning the old auto plant into a retail center would subsequently bring high-value development across Assembly Square. East Bay Development Corporation promised to not only turn the Ford plant into a mall, but to revitalize the office building that had been FINAST’s headquarters, build a 200-400 room hotel, develop ten additional acres of commercial and office property, and all together, create 1,450 permanent jobs. The city approved the plan and got a $3.3 million grant from HUD to build the road improvements that the developer wanted. East Bay had built the Woburn mall and several others. In the process, the FBI caught them in a securities-fraud and tax-evasion scheme. East Bay’s principal, Ray Coots, told then U.S. Attorney Bill Weld that, in return for reducing or dropping charges, he could deliver corrupt Somerville politicians. Conducting the sting required an operative who would not be recognized in Somerville. Special Agent John Connolly, now serving time for colluding with Whitey Bulger, recommended Special Agent Jack Callahan, his former Boston College classmate. They introduced Jack Callahan to Somerville as Jackie Collins, East Bay’s public- and government-relations officer. Their intention was to catch a low-level politico, offer leniency in return for cooperation, and work their way up the food chain. The fictional hotel’s restaurant needed a liquor license, but Somerville had recently frozen the number of on-site licenses at 52. A new license would require legislation by the board of aldermen and a home-rule petition passed by the legislature. Callahan wined and dined Ward 1 Alderman Tim Creedon, who said that he could get the legislation passed, but it would cost East Bay. Callahan gave Creedon $13,500. Creedon gave $500 each to five other aldermen. The only one who he later named was Ward 3 Alderman Michael McKenna, who had complained that he should get at least $1,000. Vinny Piro was then riding high as Somerville and Medford’s powerful state Representative. Callahan asked Piro to shepherd the home rule petition through the statehouse. Piro said that it would cost $25,000, and as proof of his good intentions, told Callahan that he had taken two bribes for successfully rendering favors in the past. In March, 1983, the FBI recorded Piro telling Callahan that he “needed a little walking-around money” to “grease a few guys.” They gave him $5,000 in marked bills. At that time, city tax assessors were elected. Assessor Robert Campo knew a good thing when he saw it. He went to Callahan and told him that he “needed some help,” because his campaign costs had been high. In return for $5,000, he reduced the mall’s tax assessment. Over the next two years, he solicited two more bribes, and the FBI recorded 47 conversations with him, including three involving his son-in-law, Ward 3 Alderman McKenna. He later testified that he had shared the bribes with other assessors. Campo ended up pleading guilty and received a three-year sentence. Creedon got a one-year sentence in Danbury for cooperating, and was paroled six months later. Suffering from cancer, McKenna was given house arrest. Piro’s attorney argued that his client had been entrapped, and pointed out that he had returned the $5,000 three weeks after taking it. Prosecutor John Pappalardo said that Piro had been tipped off, and that the currency he returned was different from what he had been given. Piro’s first trial ended in a mistrial, and his second, in an acquittal. Somerville voters, however, convicted him at the polls. He had won the Democratic primary election for the state Senate and faced no Republican opponent. In the general election, outraged voters elected Alderman Sal Albano in an unprecedented write-in campaign. Shortly thereafter, the board of aldermen abolished the election of assessors. The mall did not stimulate a wave of new development. During the period of its greatest popularity, it had the highest incidence of car theft of any location in the Commonwealth. A decade after it opened, it began a decline that would end with its closing.

UNDERCOVER FBI ROLE REPORTED IN SOMERVILLE Author: By Michael K. Frisby, Globe Staff Also contributing to this story: William Doherty, Norman Lockman and Chris Chinlund of The Globe Staff. Date: 02/18/1984 Page: ????? Section: RUN OF PAPER A PUBLISHED CORRECTION HAS BEEN ADDED TO THIS STORY. John (Jackie) Collins drove a white Lincoln Continental and lived lavishly in an apartment at Charles River Park in Boston while he worked for nearly three years as an executive for the East Bay Development Corp. of Reading. But yesterday, sources said Collins is a fictitous name used by an undercover FBI agent who was a key to a federal investigation that has allegedly implicated Somerville public officials and politicians in bribery, racketeering and extortion. As the undercover agent, posing as the free-wheeling business executive, discussed deals with city, state and federal officials, a tape recorder was strapped to his waist, sources said. On some occasions, said sources, the encounters, which they said may have included bribe-paying, were videotaped by other agents monitoring the transactions. According to sources, the FBI began the investigation in late 1980 after East Bay executives, who were developing the Assembly Square Mall in Somerville, complained to federal officials that they were under pressure from "minor bureaucrats" to pay bribes for licenses that were required to begin the project. As the investigation spread, sources said, former alderman Timothy J. Creedon cooperated with the probe and was "wired" by the FBI to tape conversations with other officials. Special Agent Lawrence Gilligan, an FBI spokesman, refused yesterday to discuss the Somerville case, and US Atty. William Weld has also declined to comment on the pending investigation. For the past five years, the FBI has had a Criminal Undercover Operations Review Committee, which approves undercover operations. The committee is composed of FBI specialists, members of the FBI's Division of Legal Counsel and Justice Department officials. One source said that "Collins" fit the role of company executive perfectly and quickly made contacts with Somerville municipal officials and employees involved with the construction of the Assembly Square development. The agent, said sources, gathered evidence on the municipal level in Somerville and gradually developed relationships with other officials so that eventually the FBI investigation spread to the State House and the JFK Federal Building. It is believed that "Collins" also contributed funds to at least one state legislator running for re-election. According to the campaign report of state Rep. Vincent J. Piro (D- Somerville), a John J. Collins who lived at the Charles River Park apartments contributed $500 last year to Piro's campaign. Piro could not be reached for comment yesterday on the contribution. He previously acknowledged that he and other Somerville officials are being scrutinized by federal authorities. In recent weeks, said sources, "Collins" has not been seen in his usual activities, leading to reports that he has resumed his true identity and is helping prosecutors in Weld's office prepare the case for the grand jury. Thus far, the grand jury hearing evidence in the case has not issued any indictments, but numerous persons, including the present mayor and former mayors, aides to the city's state legislators and city officials have been subpoenaed to testify. Sources said investigators have gathered information regarding the development of the Assembly Square Mall and have asked questions about the Twin City Plaza in Somerville. In addition, sources said, the investigators have obtained records from the city Board of Assessors, some of which document tax abatements given to the malls and other businesses. In the midst of the probe, a lawyer for Lawrence F. Bretta, former mayor of Somerville, informed General Services Administration officials on Thursday that Bretta was resigning his $69,000-a-year position with the administration in Washington. Federal agents, said sources, have investigated a T-shirt shop at the Assembly Square Mall that was owned by Bretta until it was reportedly sold last fall. Wilder-Manley Associates, a Boston firm, was hired by East Bay to handle leases for most of the retail outlets at the mall, said sources, but Bretta's store was one of a few that were handled directly by East Bay. Federal authorities, said sources, are probing whether any special arrangements were involved with the lease agreement. Sources said the store was operated by Bretta's wife and that Creedon's wife also worked in the store. It has been privately speculated by public officials in Somerville that Creedon was used by the FBI to gather information during the investigation. A GSA spokeswoman said Creedon has worked in the agency's print shop at the JFK building since 1979. One source said Bretta, who had served as New England regional director, helped Creedon get the job at GSA. Creedon, who had been an alderman since the mid-1970s, did not run for re- election last year and has moved from the city. Neither Bretta or Creedon could be reached for comment yesterday. East Bay developed the Mystic Mall in Chelsea, the Billerica Mall, the Woburn Mall, Harborlight Mall in North Weymouth and K Mart Plaza in Portsmouth, N.H. The company went out of business in 1982 after its president, Raymond H. Coots, died of a heart attack. Several of the East Bay executives formed JDC Properties in Reading. Reached by telephone last night, David Wahr, the treasurer for JDC, declined to comment on the Somerville investigation. "I'm in no position to comment," said Wahr, "and I won't be for some period of time." At the grand jury yesterday, former state Senate majority leader Joseph J.C. DiCarlo of Revere was among those called to give testimony in the case. DiCarlo was accompanied by his lawyer, David Berman, who refused comment. CORRECTION: The Globe was apparently in error in stating that former state senator Joseph DiCarlo of Revere testified before a federal grand jury Friday regarding alleged corruption in Somerville, a Globe editor said yesterday. The report was carried in Saturday's editions and was denied later that day by DiCarlo. Matthew V. Storin, daily managing editor, said: "There was apparently a faulty communication between two reporters, one assuming the other had more solid information than in fact he had. We will offer Mr. DiCarlo our apologies." DiCarlo was sentenced to a year in prison after he was convicted in February 1977 of exorting $40,000 from a New York consulting firm doing work on the UMass Boston harbor campus. In another development, Robert D. Goodoak of Reading, an architect, moved to quash a subpoena he received. In a motion filed in US District Court, Goodoak's lawyer, Robert Ford, claimed the subpoena was overly broad, unreasonable and unconstitutional and "seeks to pierce the attorney-client privilege." Goodoak received a three-year prison sentence in US District Court 1980 for his role in a kickback scheme involving the Somerville Housing Authority. The sentence was in addition to a two-year sentence he received earlier in state court on similiar charges. At the time, Goodoak admitted defrauding the US Department of Housing and Urban Development of $648,778 on modernization projects at two Somerville Housing Authority developments. Meanwhile, Somerville Mayor Eugene Brune told a press conference yesterday that he has received a subpoena to appear before the grand jury on Tuesday. Brune, however, said he has been told that he is not a target of the probe. Brune said that last November the FBI asked him for his cooperation in the investigation. Brune said he did not know the target of the investigation, but he said Bretta's name had been mentioned by the FBI. "I am deeply disturbed over the shadow cast upon us," said Brune. "I tell people of the city . . . I hope the shadow cast upon us will soon be removed. . . . I don't think it (the probe) has hurt my administation because it is not a part of it, but it certainly has hurt the city." FRISBY;02/17,17:08 BEVERI;02/19,15 B07699612